International Bulletin and MLKP Kurdistan against US decision

Down with Imperialism, Long live Revolution!

We heard that the US imperialists have put a bounty on the heads of our comrades Cemil Bayık, Murat Karayılan and Duran Kalkan, the three executives of KCK and PKK. Apparently, these imperialists are declaring that they will reward dishonor and decayedness with millions of dollars. Let's put it immediately: Even all the dollars in the US banks come together, thye will not make a value as equal to one single revolutionary. No one with honor would disdain to be an instrument to this dirty trick.

The Edict is Theirs, but the Mountains are ours!

This decision of the US imperialism is a counter-revolutionary step aiming for the liquidation, a special dirty war tactic which carries different messages for the Turkish state, its collaborators in the region and the Kurdish liberation movement. However, in the presence of our peoples, it is null and void, doesn’t worth a cent.

The self determination is the most fundamental right of our Kurdish nation. And fighting against the obstacles in front of this right is also a right and a moral duty. PKK is a political party which struggles for the national democratic rights and freedoms and it gets its legitimacy from our peoples, from its fight for this just cause. And its leader cadres are all respectful revolutionary figures.

The colorful lists of the Turkish fascism, the bounties of the US imperialists or in general, the “wanted” decisions of the exploitative states against revolutionary, patriotic, communist parties and personalities have no legitimacy at any condition and ground. All of those are nothing other than the policy that they appeal for the continuity of their exploitative orders.

PKK and its leader cadres are the creators of a history that challenged the great powers; a history which has worn out at least 6 USA presidents, buried tens of fascist, capitalist state presidents. Therefore, we have no doubts that their mountains and comrades will have a long life enough to throw the insolent imperialist Trump and his collaborators to the dustbin of history. Already, there is no death for those who fight for revolution!

Imperialists are the Enemies of Revolution!

The imperialist USA wants to use or change the existing balances in the Middle East for its own interests. There is no way that it would not choose to appeal for this sake. Because what is essential for them is their interests. The responsibles of the death of millions of peoples in many places around the world, in Vietnam, Latin America, and lastly in Irak, are now imposing their own norms of thuggery. Those who have been doing all kinds of people enemy massacres and attacks cannot judge the vanguards of the peoples with their bloody identities and hands.

By willing to apply the same imperialist conspiracy against the leader cadres of PKK and KCK, which they did against the Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan before, the USA is trying to restrict the Kurdish movement and create a disruption in its ranks, but at the same time, it is giving an open support message to its collaborator Turkish bourgeois state in the matter of PKK.

The aim of the US imperialists is clear, needless to say more. In this sense, the stand of our peoples must be clear as well. Starting from our patriotic Kurdish people to all peoples of Turkey; individuals, organizations, associations demanding freedom, justice and peace must rise up their voice against this decision of the imperialists together with the attacks of the Turkish bourgeois army that they support, and say “stop” to this dirty war.

Up to now, those who make mountains their home and the revolution their way, have never looked for a consent or approval from nobody while challenging the order of cruelty. As the vanguards of a struggle which gets its power from the people and the oppressed, they will not fit into any kind of terror lists. Their place is in the hearts of the peoples; their power is in the support of the millions. No law or state has managed to prevent this will hereto and there is no power to prevent it hereafter.

As MLKP, we do protest this imperialist decision against our comrades of struggle, the leader cadres of KCK, PKK and HPG, and call our peoples to rise up their voices everywhere and to go out streets with the slogan “Fascism and Imperialism will be defeated, Resisting People will Win!”

*****

The call of the month November

We are passing through the month in which we once again meet with our immortals. The month through which we speak with the memories of those who fell martyr in the struggle of freedom and strengthen our revolutionary existence under their guiding light; the month November...

On behalf of comrade Erdal Balcı, the first martyr of MLKP, who was murdered by the fascist Turkish state on November 4, 1994, our party declared November as “the month of the martyrs”, in order to commemorate the martyrs of revolution in an active and organized way. Indeed, this attitude was primarily a matter of our responsibility to our party's martyrs. But at the same time, in terms of a true and revolutionary way to relate with the martyrs of revolution, it was the reflection of the inclusive and unifying manner which forms our revolutionary steps since from the foundation of our party as an essential value to keep alive. That's why, we do embrace and accept all martyrs, who fell within the struggle of freedom, democracy and socialism, as our martyrs. In that sense, every November, along with those who gave their life for the revolutionary struggle in the ranks of our party, we also meet with the memories of all martyrs of revolution, visit their graves, be together with their families, organize commemorations with various events in order to spread and keep their dreams alive.

They are the ones who rebelled against the dishonor, selfishness and injustice of private property dividing the world into classes... Those who fought until death against the inequality of race, language and gender; against the order that make workers and laborers suffer in the clutches of hunger, poverty, unemployment; that destroys the environment by transforming the science and technology into a gun towards nature and humanity... They were not suspicious about the values for which they came to the fore; they did not regret. Their ages, the years that they spent in the revolutionary struggle, their experiences, capabilities, the responsibilities they undertook were not equal. However, they became equal in being the vanguard will; in the spirit of sacrifice and immortality. Indeed, none of them were going after death, yet they were all full of life energy. They had longings, dreams and love that were tightly coupled with the emancipation struggle of the working class and the oppressed. Even so, they did not place themselves in a secure life far from death. Following their just dreams under different conditions and periods, they chose to walk at the edges of various cliffs. And they reproduce their happiness within these choices...

Yes, the struggle for freedom and socialism requires heavy prices. Because the enemies of peoples do not and will never give up mobilizing for all kinds of oppression, cruelty, murder and massacre for the sake of their power. Yet more, in order to preserve even one specific form of their sovereignty, they hammer away at torture, prison and death traps against revolutionaries. Those who decide to walk in this rocky path, on which they equip themselves with the values and culture of the revolutionary struggle, necessarily welcome to pay a price. Because a path free from sacrifices, from paying prices against the traps and ambushes, ultimately arrive to surrender the line that enemy draws. Contrary to remain as a mere opposition, the revolution resides beyond that line, where the martyrs of revolution point out.

Indeed, the price is not paid only by being kept in prison or fall as martyr. Within the revolutionary struggle, all of us are paying different prices in different extents. The point here is whether we stay back or leap forward after facing the prices; whether we will be defeated to the drawn limits or get over them to win the future.

In that sense, apart from keeping their honorable memory alive, November is actually the call for all revolutionary parties and their cadres to question themselves from the focus of the practice of those who fell for an equal and free world. It is a chance to internalize the values they left behind, a stepping stone for us to extend our revolutionary horizon.

With this consciousness, we as MLKP, once again state our respect and loyalty to the memories of our comrades, who fell martyr both in our party's and other revolutionary, anti-fascist ranks for the sake of freedom, justice, equation of peoples, women's liberation and socialism.

****

Interview with Commander Ahmet Şoreş after Raqqa Operation

MLKP Martyr Serkan Battalion Commander, Ahmet Şoreş answered the questions about Raqqa, Deyr ez Zor, Idlib and al-Shahab. He evaluated the results of the move, following developments and possible dangers. His answers as follows:

What does the defeat of ISIS gangs in Raqqa mean for Rojava revolution?

ISIS couldn't demolish Rojava revolution despite its savage attacks. The revolution and its arising new possibilities and dynamics made ISIS to taste a big defeat in Middle East. Other forces putting such a solid stance against the revolution will not save themselves from facing a similar result. Because, Rojava revolution is marching forward with full speed by turning into the unified revolution of the peoples. Liberating Raqqa completely and some parts of Deyr ez Zor, the revolution is advancing in the lands where Arab people live. Only vanguard forces drawing no lines to the revolution -national struggle kinds, alliances, etc- can succeed this.

ISIS was mostly defeated. However, Rojava revolution is still face to face with great dangers due to ongoing war in Middle East and the qualities of the subjects of this war. The isolation or Afrin canton is a great danger. Also, the existence of gangs holding Idlib is another danger. ISIS was not the only enemy. Forces like Turkey-FSA, Syria-Iran-Hash al-Shaabi, are the closest and hottest threats to Rojava and North Syria. For this reason, our revolution's military tasks have not been concluded, on contrary we need to raise our capacity to fight.

What does the developments in Raqqa, Deyr ez Zor, Idlib and moving from there Afrin and al-Shahab mean?

It has been said that big stones will be moved after Mossul and Raqqa. It is actually happening like that. These developments brought out an independent Kurdistan in Iraq, widening of Rojava revolution to the new lands in the path of democratic Syrian revolution and dispelling the existing disunity with Afrin. Arab spring opened a new route for people from Kurdistan with the Rojava revolution. Rojava revolution, now started to expand to a democratic Middle East revolution. Yet, the missing point which is always hinting at it, is the lack of a unified Kurdistan. Today, the conditions for this are more than ever. Hence, the chief factors creating these conditions are the successes of Rojava and democratic Syria revolution in Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deyr ez Zor.

How was people's participation to the moves?

In Raqqa move, Arab people's participation was high. Support of people and attendance of new fighters continued all along the whole move. This is a very crucial point which can not be ignored. Raqqa war has passed more difficult as expected. ISIS resisted and fought until the last minute. It had preparations appropriate for the city war and submitted different tactics throughout the war. It turned all the streets, shops and houses of Raqqa into a mine field. Again, by dressing mines to all of its fighters and civilians from people, it made them suicide bombers and sent them to SDF fighters and among civil peoples. It used drones in the first periods. It used assassination tactics effectively from time to time. But there was a devastating force ahead of it. They knew that they had no chance of achieving victory against this force anymore. However ISIS, is a force of politic creed, because of that, it fulfills fighting and struggling as a requirement of its own line.

The main decisive force of the defeat of ISIS in Middle East and making it unable to hold its areas in hand no more, is YPG and after that Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

What is the significance of Deyr ez Zor and Idlib for the following days?

With the liberation of Raqqa, Idlib and Deyr ez Zor became the areas drawing attention with their other properties. Right now, Idlib is the largest piece of land left in the hands of gangs in Syria. Clearing Idlib out of gangs will be the most correct policy for the construction of Rojava and democratic Syria revolution and for the defense and liberation of peoples under pressure. This, can only be carried out by the peoples living in these regions together with the revolutionary forces of Rojava and North Syria, not by the components of Astana.

Assad's accepting Turkey's sending military force to this region on the basis of Astana agreement is significant regarding that it shows the desperation of the regime. The reality of Assad who is unable to defend Syrian people became once more visible with the developments in Idlib. It is no secret for Assad that the state of Turkey is tight-knitted with these gangs, it organizes them and gives any kind of support to them. But, what is behind of Assad's letting Turkish state, is the fear from Kurds. Such a fear is coded in the genes of Turkish state. Henceforth, in the center of the togetherness of these forces in Astana and its reflection to Idlib, there are Kurds and the unified revolution led by them and expanding by including Arab people to it.

This revolution continues to move on. The fear of its reaching nearby Idlib made yesterday's enemies, friends again. Turkey's explanation of its presence in Idlib with the propaganda of 'Kurds will open a corridor to Mediterranean through Afrin' signifies the existence of a great fear. We have seen that the liberation of the Kurdish people also result in the liberation of other peoples in Rojava revolution. Peoples living in Idlib and in the region reaching to Mediterranean from here, need freedom. This need, will eventually find its correspondence. Turkey's Idlib move -other than effecting tactically- will have no orders worth mentioning. Idlib is the second example of Turkey's failure of Assad policy after Aleppo.

What is the role of Free Syrian Army (FSA) in Idlib right now?

FSA has no meaning other than 'legitimizing' the presence of the Turkish state in Syrian Arab and Kurdistan lands. FSA has acted according to this role since its emergence in the beginning. Today, Turkey is FSA from now on. Russia centered Astana bloc has given this mission to Turkey. Today, as a result of this policy, the Turkish state is in Syria to protect Assad whom whom tried to overthrow before. The Turkish state is trying to hold on in the region with a compulsory mission like taking the gangs which once it trained and equipped under control, and clearing some of them in those areas. Let's see what else the fear of Kurds will push Turkish state to do. It is not possible that Turkish state will live by with this fear anymore. Even though Turkish state explained its presence in Idlib within the scope of the deal for cease-fire regions, its real purpose is to surrender Afrin and defeat it and Rojava revolution. It has grievance about how to make Afrin and al-Shahab to fall. Turkish state has now placed its soldiers in Idlib and they are solving their positioning problem by making some sort of deals with the gangs. But, in the center of their attention, there is always Afrin and al-Shahab. When you look their positioning-trenching places and preparations, all data is pointing in this direction. Turkish people and revolutionary forces must invalidate this policy of Turkey. The solidarity and mobilization exhibited during the Kobanê process must also be put forth for Afrin. It should be considered as an opportunity to break the effects of the fascist demagogic discourse of Turkish state on Turkish people. -.mnc m…Interview with Commander Ahmet Şoreş after Raqqa Operation

MLKP Martyr Serkan Battalion Commander, Ahmet Şoreş answered the questions about Raqqa, Deyr ez Zor, Idlib and al-Shahab. He evaluated the results of the move, following developments and possible dangers. His answers as follows:

What does the defeat of ISIS gangs in Raqqa mean for Rojava revolution?

ISIS couldn't demolish Rojava revolution despite its savage attacks. The revolution and its arising new possibilities and dynamics made ISIS to taste a big defeat in Middle East. Other forces putting such a solid stance against the revolution will not save themselves from facing a similar result. Because, Rojava revolution is marching forward with full speed by turning into the unified revolution of the peoples. Liberating Raqqa completely and some parts of Deyr ez Zor, the revolution is advancing in the lands where Arab people live. Only vanguard forces drawing no lines to the revolution -national struggle kinds, alliances, etc- can succeed this.

ISIS was mostly defeated. However, Rojava revolution is still face to face with great dangers due to ongoing war in Middle East and the qualities of the subjects of this war. The isolation or Afrin canton is a great danger. Also, the existence of gangs holding Idlib is another danger. ISIS was not the only enemy. Forces like Turkey-FSA, Syria-Iran-Hash al-Shaabi, are the closest and hottest threats to Rojava and North Syria. For this reason, our revolution's military tasks have not been concluded, on contrary we need to raise our capacity to fight.

What does the developments in Raqqa, Deyr ez Zor, Idlib and moving from there Afrin and al-Shahab mean?

It has been said that big stones will be moved after Mosul and Raqqa. It is actually happening like that. These developments brought out an independent Kurdistan in Iraq, widening of Rojava revolution to the new lands in the path of democratic Syrian revolution and dispelling the existing disunity with Afrin. Arab spring opened a new route for people from Kurdistan with the Rojava revolution. Rojava revolution, now started to expand to a democratic Middle East revolution. Yet, the missing point which is always hinting at it, is the lack of a unified Kurdistan. Today, the conditions for this are more than ever. Hence, the chief factors creating these conditions are the successes of Rojava and democratic Syria revolution in Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deyr ez Zor.

How was people's participation to the moves?

In Raqqa move, Arab people's participation was high. Support of people and attendance of new fighters continued all along the whole move. This is a very crucial point which can not be ignored. Raqqa war has passed more difficult as expected. ISIS resisted and fought until the last minute. It had preparations appropriate for the city war and submitted different tactics throughout the war. It turned all the streets, shops and houses of Raqqa into a mine field. Again, by dressing mines to all of its fighters and civilians from people, it made them suicide bombers and sent them to SDF fighters and among civil peoples. It used drones in the first periods. It used assassination tactics effectively from time to time. But there was a devastating force ahead of it. They knew that they had no chance of achieving victory against this force anymore. However ISIS, is a force of politic creed, because of that, it fulfills fighting and struggling as a requirement of its own line.

The main decisive force of the defeat of ISIS in Middle East and making it unable to hold its areas in hand no more, is YPG and after that Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

What is the significance of Deyr ez Zor and Idlib for the following days?

With the liberation of Raqqa, Idlib and Deyr ez Zor became the areas drawing attention with their other properties. Right now, Idlib is the largest piece of land left in the hands of gangs in Syria. Clearing Idlib out of gangs will be the most correct policy for the construction of Rojava and democratic Syria revolution and for the defense and liberation of peoples under pressure. This, can only be carried out by the peoples living in these regions together with the revolutionary forces of Rojava and North Syria, not by the components of Astana.

Assad's accepting Turkey's sending military force to this region on the basis of Astana agreement is significant regarding that it shows the desperation of the regime. The reality of Assad who is unable to defend Syrian people became once more visible with the developments in Idlib. It is no secret for Assad that the state of Turkey is tight-knitted with these gangs, it organizes them and gives any kind of support to them. But, what is behind of Assad's letting Turkish state, is the fear from Kurds. Such a fear is coded in the genes of Turkish state. Henceforth, in the center of the togetherness of these forces in Astana and its reflection to Idlib, there are Kurds and the unified revolution led by them and expanding by including Arab people to it.

This revolution continues to move on. The fear of its reaching nearby Idlib made yesterday's enemies, friends again. Turkey's explanation of its presence in Idlib with the propaganda of 'Kurds will open a corridor to Mediterranean through Afrin' signifies the existence of a great fear. We have seen that the liberation of the Kurdish people also result in the liberation of other peoples in Rojava revolution. Peoples living in Idlib and in the region reaching to Mediterranean from here, need freedom. This need, will eventually find its correspondence. Turkey's Idlib move -other than effecting tactically- will have no orders worth mentioning. Idlib is the second example of Turkey's failure of Assad policy after Aleppo.

What is the role of Free Syrian Army (FSA) in Idlib right now?

FSA has no meaning other than 'legitimizing' the presence of the Turkish state in Syrian Arab and Kurdistan lands. FSA has acted according to this role since its emergence in the beginning. Today, Turkey is FSA from now on. Russia centered Astana bloc has given this mission to Turkey. Today, as a result of this policy, the Turkish state is in Syria to protect Assad whom whom tried to overthrow before. The Turkish state is trying to hold on in the region with a compulsory mission like taking the gangs which once it trained and equipped under control, and clearing some of them in those areas. Let's see what else the fear of Kurds will push Turkish state to do. It is not possible that Turkish state will live by with this fear anymore. Even though Turkish state explained its presence in Idlib within the scope of the deal for cease-fire regions, its real purpose is to surrender Afrin and defeat it and Rojava revolution. It has grievance about how to make Afrin and al-Shahab to fall. Turkish state has now placed its soldiers in Idlib and they are solving their positioning problem by making some sort of deals with the gangs. But, in the center of their attention, there is always Afrin and al-Shahab. When you look their positioning-trenching places and preparations, all data is pointing in this direction. Turkish people and revolutionary forces must invalidate this policy of Turkey. The solidarity and mobilization exhibited during the Kobanê process must also be put forth for Afrin. It should be considered as an opportunity to break the effects of the fascist demagogic discourse of Turkish state on Turkish people.Interview with Commander Ahmet Şoreş after Raqqa Operation

MLKP Martyr Serkan Battalion Commander, Ahmet Şoreş answered the questions about Raqqa, Deyr ez Zor, Idlib and al-Shahab. He evaluated the results of the move, following developments and possible dangers. His answers as follows:

What does the defeat of ISIS gangs in Raqqa mean for Rojava revolution?

ISIS couldn't demolish Rojava revolution despite its savage attacks. The revolution and its arising new possibilities and dynamics made ISIS to taste a big defeat in Middle East. Other forces putting such a solid stance against the revolution will not save themselves from facing a similar result. Because, Rojava revolution is marching forward with full speed by turning into the unified revolution of the peoples. Liberating Raqqa completely and some parts of Deyr ez Zor, the revolution is advancing in the lands where Arab people live. Only vanguard forces drawing no lines to the revolution -national struggle kinds, alliances, etc- can succeed this.

ISIS was mostly defeated. However, Rojava revolution is still face to face with great dangers due to ongoing war in Middle East and the qualities of the subjects of this war. The isolation or Afrin canton is a great danger. Also, the existence of gangs holding Idlib is another danger. ISIS was not the only enemy. Forces like Turkey-FSA, Syria-Iran-Hash al-Shaabi, are the closest and hottest threats to Rojava and North Syria. For this reason, our revolution's military tasks have not been concluded, on contrary we need to raise our capacity to fight.

What does the developments in Raqqa, Deyr ez Zor, Idlib and moving from there Afrin and al-Shahab mean?

It has been said that big stones will be moved after Mossul and Raqqa. It is actually happening like that. These developments brought out an independent Kurdistan in Iraq, widening of Rojava revolution to the new lands in the path of democratic Syrian revolution and dispelling the existing disunity with Afrin. Arab spring opened a new route for people from Kurdistan with the Rojava revolution. Rojava revolution, now started to expand to a democratic Middle East revolution. Yet, the missing point which is always hinting at it, is the lack of a unified Kurdistan. Today, the conditions for this are more than ever. Hence, the chief factors creating these conditions are the successes of Rojava and democratic Syria revolution in Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa and Deyr ez Zor.

How was people's participation to the moves?

In Raqqa move, Arab people's participation was high. Support of people and attendance of new fighters continued all along the whole move. This is a very crucial point which can not be ignored. Raqqa war has passed more difficult as expected. ISIS resisted and fought until the last minute. It had preparations appropriate for the city war and submitted different tactics throughout the war. It turned all the streets, shops and houses of Raqqa into a mine field. Again, by dressing mines to all of its fighters and civilians from people, it made them suicide bombers and sent them to SDF fighters and among civil peoples. It used drones in the first periods. It used assassination tactics effectively from time to time. But there was a devastating force ahead of it. They knew that they had no chance of achieving victory against this force anymore. However ISIS, is a force of politic creed, because of that, it fulfills fighting and struggling as a requirement of its own line.

The main decisive force of the defeat of ISIS in Middle East and making it unable to hold its areas in hand no more, is YPG and after that Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

What is the significance of Deyr ez Zor and Idlib for the following days?

With the liberation of Raqqa, Idlib and Deyr ez Zor became the areas drawing attention with their other properties. Right now, Idlib is the largest piece of land left in the hands of gangs in Syria. Clearing Idlib out of gangs will be the most correct policy for the construction of Rojava and democratic Syria revolution and for the defense and liberation of peoples under pressure. This, can only be carried out by the peoples living in these regions together with the revolutionary forces of Rojava and North Syria, not by the components of Astana.

Assad's accepting Turkey's sending military force to this region on the basis of Astana agreement is significant regarding that it shows the desperation of the regime. The reality of Assad who is unable to defend Syrian people became once more visible with the developments in Idlib. It is no secret for Assad that the state of Turkey is tight-knitted with these gangs, it organizes them and gives any kind of support to them. But, what is behind of Assad's letting Turkish state, is the fear from Kurds. Such a fear is coded in the genes of Turkish state. Henceforth, in the center of the togetherness of these forces in Astana and its reflection to Idlib, there are Kurds and the unified revolution led by them and expanding by including Arab people to it.

This revolution continues to move on. The fear of its reaching nearby Idlib made yesterday's enemies, friends again. Turkey's explanation of its presence in Idlib with the propaganda of 'Kurds will open a corridor to Mediterranean through Afrin' signifies the existence of a great fear. We have seen that the liberation of the Kurdish people also result in the liberation of other peoples in Rojava revolution. Peoples living in Idlib and in the region reaching to Mediterranean from here, need freedom. This need, will eventually find its correspondence. Turkey's Idlib move -other than effecting tactically- will have no orders worth mentioning. Idlib is the second example of Turkey's failure of Assad policy after Aleppo.

What is the role of Free Syrian Army (FSA) in Idlib right now?

FSA has no meaning other than 'legitimizing' the presence of the Turkish state in Syrian Arab and Kurdistan lands. FSA has acted according to this role since its emergence in the beginning. Today, Turkey is FSA from now on. Russia centered Astana bloc has given this mission to Turkey. Today, as a result of this policy, the Turkish state is in Syria to protect Assad whom whom tried to overthrow before. The Turkish state is trying to hold on in the region with a compulsory mission like taking the gangs which once it trained and equipped under control, and clearing some of them in those areas. Let's see what else the fear of Kurds will push Turkish state to do. It is not possible that Turkish state will live by with this fear anymore. Even though Turkish state explained its presence in Idlib within the scope of the deal for cease-fire regions, its real purpose is to surrender Afrin and defeat it and Rojava revolution. It has grievance about how to make Afrin and al-Shahab to fall. Turkish state has now placed its soldiers in Idlib and they are solving their positioning problem by making some sort of deals with the gangs. But, in the center of their attention, there is always Afrin and al-Shahab. When you look their positioning-trenching places and preparations, all data is pointing in this direction. Turkish people and revolutionary forces must invalidate this policy of Turkey. The solidarity and mobilization exhibited during the Kobanê process must also be put forth for Afrin. It should be considered as an opportunity to break the effects of the fascist demagogic discourse of Turkish state on Turkish people.

****

To My Party and Comrades

Şevin Söğüt

(Sarin Awaz)

August 17, 2018

First of all, I would like to repeat my commitment to the Suruç martyrs, who accelerated my process of moving on to the political military field and free zones of the party, who strengthened my will, and who pushed me to organize myself on a new level when it comes to total revolutionariness.

When the enemy exploded that bomb in the garden of Amara¹, it aimed to destroy, weaken, sap and terrify. It aimed at the Communist Youth Organization (KGÖ), which tightly commit itself to the ideology of its party, in order to suppress, to distance it from its party and its purposes. As a KGÖ member who witnessed Suruç and the Ankara Train Station Massacres, I experienced a period of time in which my rage against the enemy was knife sharpened every time and in which I shouldered organizationally bigger responsibilities every time.

Martyr Roza², who delivered our stance, our message in a powerful way to the enemy and to all youth as a vanguard of the youth and young women, was an expression of a brand new level and a threshold for us. And I, again by performing an appropriate praxis for this message, informed my party about my demand to go to the military zones. Then I took place in the military force of my party in the lands of Rojava with a temporary duty. In the lands of revolution where I came as a KGÖ member, I got trainings in several fields of my party and undertook tasks in these fields. I was trained for six months at the Hüseyin Demircioğlu Academy³. And now, I am a MLKP member who has been in free zones for more than two years. I will go out on a journey to Dersim again, where I had been carrying out political work before I came to this free zones. This time, I am taking the road as a young female commander of the FESK⁴ Kurdistan Rural Unit of my party.^*

If I talk about the power sources which fed and grew me throughout the journey from KGÖ to FESK guerrilla, our martyrs come in the first place. Undoubtedly, my comrades, my party toiled a lot for me, I got their irreducible contribution. But I know this, unless one brings into being in its consciousness, toiling can be too plain on its own. That's why, I owe a lot to our martyrs who purify my consciousness. Developments happened in Turkey and Kurdistan during two years that I have been here were blistering developments in terms of their historical meanings. We are actually part of a generation who has witnessed so many political and military changing and wars in such short time. We are at a time in which colonialist fascist dictatorship aggravated its attacks to the utmost. Starting from my party MLKP, we can say that revolutionariness is being tested and for some organizations, it is even a matter of life or death. Today, it cannot be the attitude of revolutionary parties and organizations just to stand aside and wait for “suitable days”. History writes those who pay the heavy costs and those who fight continue to deal blows against the enemy, hitting big or small strikes. What this period demands and expects from us is higher quality and stronger warfare.

When I look at the mission and tasks given to each cadre in this direction, the stance of my party has always represented that the party will never give up its will to expand even wider fields as the enemy tries to corner it to a narrower field. It is true that we are the newest force in the Dersim guerrilla zone. Never hesitating to learn from comrades-in-arm, our party focuses on growing the guerrilla warfare also in this area with its all military experiences, accumulations and energy. In this areas where four of our comrades fell martyr, including the comrades taking part in the foundational works and comrade Martyr Baran who joined the unit in Dersim, it is our duty to root the tree which our party planted, to uphold the legacy of Baran Munzur, Devrim Şoreş, Arjin Selçuk⁵ and Alişer Dersim⁶, who showed us how to stand and fight relentlessly, with sacrifices after our resistance in Karadeniz neighborhood.

I am aware of that Roza will stand by me in every step I take during this journey to the heights of Dersim. Roza, as she dreamed, will get closer to the Dersim mountains as I get closer, my walk will complete her walk and dream. My mind and heart, my consciousness and body are so so strong with Roza. Physical absence of our martyrs becomes as meaningless as possible at times like this. I will carry the purest symbol of youth and young women, our Roza, to meet with one of the young female commanders of Dersim mountains, our Arjin. In the relation bonding me with my new task, in the action, life, rupture and will, in every moment I breath, I will grow them inside, and I will grow up myself with them too. I carry the consciousness and awareness of the task and responsibility that my party gave me. The path and my walk, of course will not be perfect without obstacles. But, I promise that I will perform a praxis facing with the process and a stance worthy of my party and martyrs in creating solutions and overcoming those obstacles. As a communist woman, I want to embrace the perspectives of our Communist Women's Organization (KKÖ) and my women comrades who are the collective mind of the organization, in the struggle against patriarchy and in demolishing traditional roles; I want to maintain a much stronger warfare by keeping alive in my heart and my consciousness, every single of my women comrades, who raised me and who I raised.

I believe that my party will keep on growing all around, in urban areas, in the rural, in the mountains, with its martyrs. New one always bears more forward one in its bosom. The task, that I am given by the party front I worked in, that is in a new area and on a new level, is pointing out more forward to me. And every new field that my party opens up, every new rank that it touches, also requires from all comrades, to leap a more forward point, stronger steps from vanguardship towards leadership. With this mission and foresight, much more demanding and bigger duties fall on the shoulders of our KGÖ, which is the vanguard of youth and future, of our KKÖ, which is born with the claim to be the vanguard of women's revolution and started to grow day by day, of our communist vanguard MLKP, which manages to grow and refresh itself with its defeats, victories and martyrs. To be one of the representatives of this makes me immensely happy. I have absolute trust in myself in adding and raising “the song of the mountain girl”, which is the meaning of my name, to the song of hope, and I will go to my new working area as the voice of my party. I wish all the success to myself, to my comrades and to my party in the new period.

April 17, 2018

****

Comrade Irfan, telling about his revolutionary improvement:

"There's no limit for improvement and renewal"

After a productive training/discussion about professional revolutionariness, we are requested to prepare a report evaluating our individual levels regarding this context. In that sense, through the topics we have discussed, I'll do my evaluation by asking questions to my own practice. But before, I'd like to begin by with what is to be said at the end: Considering human being as a becoming subject, I'd like to state that it stands indispensable for me to improve myself under each topic of professional revolutionariness and fulfill the necessities of my party and the revolution.

Counting myself as a revolutionary with the claim of being a professional revolutionary, I can say that my previous practice was not on the level that is required for this claim. Especially in terms of having a Marxist formation or analyzing and getting results from the experiences of world revolution, my process before the prison period can be defined much more as a time of narrowed actionism. “Reading and analyzing”, as one of the topics we've discussed under the professional revolutionariness, was finding almost no space in the course of my daily practical activity. However, my prison process brought me important contributions. It allowed me to accumulate in some particular respects. But indeed, If I don't add more on what I've accumulated, in other words, if I take shelter in saying “I've already red this much”, then I will interrupt the process I've begun. During this training, I at least once again realized that I need to improve myself in this manner.

Considering my experience in the fields that I've been so far, I think I've managed to gain a level in the sense of “organizing 24 hours of a day in a revolutionary manner”. I was thinking as so because at least I was fore-planning my day and acting in accordance with that. However, this training process revealed that I actually remained quite superficial in this subject. I've clearly realized that planning only the practical activity and a plan without considering a qualitative improvement would not be sufficient to fulfill the necessities.

I have started to relate myself with the consciousness of women liberation in prison. Through self-readings and discussions with the comrades about my readings, I tried to gain a Marxist perspective on a theoretical basis and get to know my own reality through discussions on “the manhood”. For the future, I am clear to provide a continuity in this matter.

About illegality and specializing against the political police... So far, I haven't been in the totally illegal front of our party. All my revolutionary activities have been in our “defacto legitimate front” (the "legal" part). But, since the party activities in that field are also built on the illegal basis, such as organizing meetings and rendezvous with the comrades that are underground and carrying out the militia activity, I have gained a limited experience in the illegal works. This is same about the alertness against the political police. Also, the training about how to control and escape from the surveillance, which I received from the responsible comrade of my previous party organ, brought me important advantages. In general I can say that at least I've always tried to be very careful for all my revolutionary life.

On the topic of discipline: During this training, I've realized that my self-improvement in terms of discipline has been one-sided. I've always been sensitive about following and not loosen the rules. However, this attitude of mine is not valid for my personal theoretical development. I know that there cannot be a productive result unless it is organized with discipline. And this fact must cover the whole part of the life.

I am one of those who often emphasize that criticism & self-critisim is a revolutionary weapon. But, when I question my own practice, I realize that I must reach a higher level in looking through a “critical lens”. This is valid both for my own practice and our collective life. I think that I've never been closed for facing/receiving criticisms. I am trying to learn from each of the critics towards me. My basic principle on this issue is that critics should be productive and just. And a practical self-criticism rather than remaining verbal is much more meaningful when one faces with critics.

To live in a guerrilla manner... I can clearly say that when the needs of my party comes to the matter, I have no doubts about acting towards these needs in order to fulfill them by doing my best. I don't have any kind of worries about this. Of course, capabilities and qualitative levels have limits, but I'd like to state that I will consciously spend all my efforts to get over my failures and no matter where I go for revolutionary duty, I will try the best I can.

My level on using different means and forms of struggle is not improved enough. But, in terms of military means, I've learnt a lot especially from the Rojava experience. Although I've continuously been in the militia activity so far, I did not got any training about this field before. Plus, I am quite low in using technological means. But so far, I've not experienced any dilemma while using both the military and non-military means of struggle. I've used both of them as much as I know and capable.

One of the most essential features of a professional revolutionary is his*her level of forming organizations and leading organizational systems. I've been in different organizations of the party so far. But I think that my feature of leading organization systems is quite low.

As I took my first step towards being a revolutionary, I gave my will to the party. Since from that time, in every field I've been, I've tried to represent the party as much as my capabilities allowed me. Indeed, in terms of these topics and also others to be added, I know that continuing on being "a becoming subject" is the indispensable issue for living a revolutionary life. Because there is no limit for improvement and renewal. From this point, I'd like my party to know that I will act much more willingly in terms of improving myself and of responding the needs of the party.

October 2015

Comrade Irfan Gercek about his revolutionary improvement:

“I try to be worth of professional revlutionariness”

May 2006

I was born on 13 August, 1985, in a revolutionary family and grew up among comrades from our party and its predecessors. I got close to be a revolutionary primarily by their influence. Thereafter, I wanted to be a part of the organized struggle by considering that one should not be silent against the exploitation and aggression prevailing in every fields of life. Indeed, the guidance of the comrades was also influential on my decision.

Since I've always been together with comrades, I know the party for as long as I've known myself. But my cousin and one comrade, who is now fall back in the struggle, had a special labor for my actual participation to the party. Our discussions about the necessity of a struggle with the party, together with its characteristic manners, have played an effective role on me to be organized within the party.

I became a member of KGÖ (The Communist Youth Organization) on October 1999. On December 2002, I applied for the party membership and after the process of the candidate membership, I became a member in 2003.

From 1999 to 2003, I had carried out duties of KGÖ. Afterwards, I've carried out my revolutionary duties in different places; from 2003 to 2005 in Gebze (in neighborhood works), from June 2005 to the end of August 2007 in Bursa, from September 2007 to June 2008 in İzmir, and from that time until October 2009, on which I got arrested, in Istanbul. Throughout these years I've undertaken these responsibilities: membership of the quarter committee of Gebze, membership of the city committee of Bursa, membership of the city committee of Bursa, membership of the city committee of Izmir, membership of the European side committee of Istanbul and the secretaryship of the Alibeyköy quarter in Istanbul. When I started to work in Gebze in 2003, I was told to be positioned as a professional revolutionary, and since then, I try to be worthy of it.

In all fields I've been so far, I carried out milita activity. Together with this, I was positioned as organizer within the daily political works. I think, my side on establishing relations with the masses is quite strong.

I was taken into custody more than 60 times in total. In all of those, I behaved accordingly with the manner of our party, didn't have any negative attitude.

I was arrested two times. First happened in Ankara where I stayed 3 months in Sincan F type prison. My second imprisonment lasted for 5 years in the Tekirdağ F type prison.

I tried to turn my prison process to good account in the sense of my personal improvement via readings. However, since I was not together with more experienced and intellectually orientated comrades there, I didn't have that much chance for having discussions on my readings. That is to say, I did only personal readings and this situation prevented me to have a more productive educational process. But within all my imprisonment process, I tried to fulfill all the duties given by our party as good as I can.

My root are petty bourgeois without having any problem with class suicide. Apart from working together with my father as painter from time to time, I don't have a working class experience. My demands on this regard were not considered as suitable by the party and our Komsomol before.

I was graduated from vocational high school, from the department of computer/software. Until I moved to Rojava, I was in my last year of studies of public administration in open education faculty. I left it in order to be in Rojava.

(...)

“I try to be worth of professional revlutionariness”

May 2006

I was born on 13 August, 1985, in a revolutionary family and grew up among comrades from our party and its predecessors. I got close to be a revolutionary primarily by their influence. Thereafter, I wanted to be a part of the organized struggle by considering that one should not be silent against the exploitation and aggression prevailing in every fields of life. Indeed, the guidance of the comrades was also influential on my decision.

Since I've always been together with comrades, I know the party for as long as I've known myself. But my cousin and one comrade, who is now fall back in the struggle, had a special labor for my actual participation to the party. Our discussions about the necessity of a struggle with the party, together with its characteristic manners, have played an effective role on me to be organized within the party.

I became a member of KGÖ (The Communist Youth Organization) on October 1999. On December 2002, I applied for the party membership and after the process of the candidate membership, I became a member in 2003.

From 1999 to 2003, I had carried out duties of KGÖ. Afterwards, I've carried out my revolutionary duties in different places; from 2003 to 2005 in Gebze (in neighborhood works), from June 2005 to the end of August 2007 in Bursa, from September 2007 to June 2008 in İzmir, and from that time until October 2009, on which I got arrested, in Istanbul. Throughout these years I've undertaken these responsibilities: membership of the quarter committee of Gebze, membership of the city committee of Bursa, membership of the city committee of Bursa, membership of the city committee of Izmir, membership of the European side committee of Istanbul and the secretaryship of the Alibeyköy quarter in Istanbul. When I started to work in Gebze in 2003, I was told to be positioned as a professional revolutionary, and since then, I try to be worthy of it.

In all fields I've been so far, I carried out milita activity. Together with this, I was positioned as organizer within the daily political works. I think, my side on establishing relations with the masses is quite strong.

I was taken into custody more than 60 times in total. In all of those, I behaved accordingly with the manner of our party, didn't have any negative attitude.

I was arrested two times. First happened in Ankara where I stayed 3 months in Sincan F type prison. My second imprisonment lasted for 5 years in the Tekirdağ F type prison.

I tried to turn my prison process to good account in the sense of my personal improvement via readings. However, since I was not together with more experienced and intellectually orientated comrades there, I didn't have that much chance for having discussions on my readings. That is to say, I did only personal readings and this situation prevented me to have a more productive educational process. But within all my imprisonment process, I tried to fulfill all the duties given by our party as good as I can.

My root are petty bourgeois without having any problem with class suicide. Apart from working together with my father as painter from time to time, I don't have a working class experience. My demands on this regard were not considered as suitable by the party and our Komsomol before.

I was graduated from vocational high school, from the department of computer/software. Until I moved to Rojava, I was in my last year of studies of public administration in open education faculty. I left it in order to be in Rojava.

(...)

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